James Fowler (political science, UC Davis) wrote an interesting paper about a lab experiment he conducted, demonstrating the connection between other-regarding preferences and voter turnout. Here’s the abstract:
Scholars have recently reworked the traditional calculus of voting model by adding a term for benefits to others. Although the probability that a single vote affects the outcome of an election is quite small, the number of people who enjoy the benefit when the preferred alternative wins is large. As a result, people who care about benefits to others and who think one of the alternatives makes others better off are more likely to vote. I test the altruism theory of voting in the laboratory by using allocations in a dictator game to reveal the degree to which each subject is concerned about the well-being of others. The main findings suggest that variation in concern for the well-being of others in conjunction with strength of party identification is a significant factor in individual turnout decisions. Partisan altruists are much more likely to vote than their nonpartisan or egoist peers.
I especially like this paper because it is consistent with the model of Edlin, Kaplan, and myself of the rationality of voting based on social motivations. As we (and Fowler) point out, there’s no reason that “rationality” has to mean “selfishness.”
Many researchers in political science and economics seem to feel that it is “cheating” to introduce other-directed preferences into a rational choice model, but given both the logic and the evidence (Fowler’s paper gives some experimental evidence, and our paper has lots of observational evidence), I don’t see that selfishness makes much sense in this setting.
Some other comments
Fowler’s experimental results show voting to be correlated with various attitudes and behaviors. But his conclusion is all about why people vote. I’m also interested in the implications about who votes. If selfish people don’t vote, is that perhaps a good feature of our system?
A related point (also discussed in our paper) is that, if people are voting because of altruism rather than selfishness, this has implications for how people vote, as well as why they vote. In particular, one would expect political pitches to be made on more altruistic grounds.
On to the graphical presentation . . . I like Fowler’s Figure 2. It could be slightly improved by having the y-axes range from 0 to 1 (since this is the range of probabilities, with 0 and 1 being the sharp endpoints of the y-range (in R or S, you can do this using ylim=c(0,1), yaxs=”i” in the plotting command). Also I’d recommend making the graphs slightly wider than they are high. The x and y axes are on different units, so it’s a little confusing to make the plots square.
Fowler’s Figure 1 can be done better. There’s no need for three colors, and the up-and-down patterns are confusing. Better would be to have 3 histograms (on a common scale), one for each of the 3 conditions, with labels on top. This’ll be much clearer.
Tables 1 and 2 would be better as figures; see Gelman, Pasarica, Dodhia, “Let’s practice what we preach: turning tables into graphs” from The American Statistician (2002). I mean, the tables are ok by the usual standard of social science papers, but the substance of the paper is so strong, that why not take the model presentation to the next level with some clear graphs? (If you were to insist on keeping the tables–and I think this would be a big mistake–then you must round off all the numbers to 1 decimal. Given your se’s, there is essentially no information in the 2nd decimal places. Yes, that means that correlations of 0.09 and 0.06 will be rounded off to 0.1, and correlations of 0.3 will be rounded off to 0.0. That’s fine–there’s really nothing statistically distinguishing these numbers anyway.)
Also . . .
At his website, Fowler has several other papers on related topics.